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SPOA
Board urges Somerville
2- and 3-family owners to fight
condo conversion regulation
Only
city in state to regulate 2s & 3s
Action Alert!!
The big
question for Somerville two- and three-family homeowners is: Do
you want to be stuck under condo conversion regulation that is
optional and that significantly lowers the value of your
property when you decide to sell it? If you act strongly, you
can convince the Board of Aldermen to end all condo conversion
regulation on two- and three-family properties.
To
act strongly,
a great number of Somerville property owners need to call, email
or write a letter to their Aldermen – AND show up at public
hearings and Aldermen meetings. At the end of the article below
is contact information for all the Aldermen (including clickable
links to email them) and hearing and meeting dates as they
become available.
See end of article for contact information for the Aldermen and
important dates.
Will
you fight for your property’s value?
With
questionable authority, Somerville Mayor Joseph Curtatone and
other city officials are pushing a redrafted condo conversion
ordinance that would continue to regulate Somerville’s two- and
three-family properties. No other municipality in the state
regulates these properties. State law only regulates four-unit
and larger buildings.
Regulating condo conversion in two- and three-family properties
imposes unnecessary financial burdens on these properties and
significantly lowers their sales value when their owners decide
to sell – say, at retirement.
READ MORE and view contact
information for Aldermen
Anti-landlord bill on "victims of domestic violence" dies in
committee
Victory for SPOA and all small property owners
Urgent action needed now!
September 2008.
It's unbelievable. A bill imposing
severe burdens on landlords in the name of protecting victims of
domestic violence passed in the Senate and went to the House of
Representatives for a vote. SPOA launched a campaign against it,
and the bill was allowed to “die in committee.” In other words,
the leadership of the House agreed that the bill should not move
forward for debate.
Under the bill (S.2574), private
landlords would have been required to ignore loud fights and
property damage if any one of the tenants claimed to be a
"victim of domestic violence." The loud fights or property
damage or any other behavior that would motivate a landlord to
evict must be related to domestic violence to get this
protection from eviction. But it's obvious that tenants will use
the excuse of domestic violence, even when it's not true, to
stop an eviction.
What is activity
related to domestic violence?
So let's be specific.
. The husband is beating up on his
wife at midnight, knocking her about, bruising her, throwing a
chair that dents the wall. All related to domestic violence.
Landlords, ignore it. Can't evict.
. The boyfriend, not a tenant, stalks
his girlfriend-tenant, busting the outer front door lock to get
in, pounding on the tenant's apartment door, then breaking
through. It's related to domestic violence. Landlords, ignore
it. Can't evict.
. The husband and wife are in a loud,
heated verbal fight at 2 a.m. when a neighbor-tenant knocks on
the door and yells at them to stop fighting and be quiet. The
husband opens the door, yells at the neighbor and throws a plate
at her as she runs down the hall. The plate wasn't thrown at the
wife, but it nevertheless intimidates her. It's related to
domestic violence. Landlords, ignore it. Can't evict.
False accusations
of domestic violence
Perhaps the worst part of S.2574 is
that it will not be confined to true victims of domestic
violence. It will spread its effects broadly throughout the
tenant population.
Already there is a serious problem
with false accusations of violence in domestic disputes that are
made by one partner in order to get a restraining order against
the other partner as a tactical maneuver (for more information,
go to www.mediaradar.com). S.2574 would have only increased the
opportunities for this same type of false accusations, but under
this bill the false accusations would be used against small
property owners as well as domestic partners.
S.2574 says all that a "victim" needs
to do is sign an affidavit that says they are a victim of
domestic violence as defined in the law. No description of the
alleged acts or events is required.
By making false accusations under
S.2574, tenants can block their eviction, force owners to rent
to them, or break their lease and get their last month's rent
and security deposit refunded. This is far too much power to put
into the hands of tenants.
Can't choose our
own tenants
The chief consequence of this bill, if
it passes, is that it would take away our ability to choose our
own tenants. Not only could we not evict victims of domestic
violence, we would be obligated to rent to them in the first
place and required to renew the lease or tenancy agreement. In
other words, we would be stuck providing housing for victims of
domestic violence or anyone who claims to be a victim of
domestic violence.
A further risk is that the loud fights
and aggressive behavior in one apartment could frighten or
bother our other tenants, who could be driven out by the
victims. We could end up with all our good tenants moving out.
We could even be sued by our other tenants for disturbance of
their quiet enjoyment of their apartments, and be helpless to
protect ourselves against this liability.
"Feel good"
legislation
Domestic violence is a growing field,
with tax dollars going to pay for advocates and battered women's
shelters. Like tenants whose owners are going through
foreclosure, victims of domestic violence will bring out a
strong sympathy vote, no matter what the actual legislation
says. Fortunately, SPOA acted strongly, our members and other
property owners called their state representatives, and the
message got through that this was a bad bill.
Click here to read the entire text of the victims of domestic
violence bill
Note: There is a huge typographical
error in the opening sentence of the bill. It refers to the
"dairy farming industry." That shows you how sloppy the work has
been on this bill.
Just-cause eviction
goes
to State House
Bill calls for rent
control during foreclosures and eviction control
A
big step towards STATEWIDE rent control
Tenant advocates have failed many times in Boston to get rent
control back. Now they are using another alleged “crisis” and a
new strategy to install rent control in pieces. That’s what
“just-cause eviction” is – a bit of rent control coming back.
For several weeks, attention focused on the Boston City Council,
which was considering a home-rule petition to get rent control
and just-cause eviction during foreclosures. At the last minute,
the Boston petition was pulled from Council consideration.
Meanwhile, Senator Dianne Wilkerson from Boston recently filed
three foreclosure bills at the State House, one of which is a
just-cause eviction bill (Senate Bill No. S.2664) that is
virtually identical to the Boston home-rule petition.
Wilkerson’s bills would have statewide application.
Mini-rent
control
We call this “mini-rent control” because the bill would apply
rent control only to tenants living in foreclosed properties for
up to two years. But the advocates are getting their foot in the
door. The two years will be extended. The rent control will be
expanded to more and more groups of “at risk” tenants.
The tenant advocates’ goal is to allow tenants to stay in
foreclosed properties when the old owner moves out and the bank
takes over. So this bill (S.2664) would force banks to keep the
old owner’s tenants by freezing the rent and imposing eviction
control. Just-cause eviction means that landlords (the banks
here) cannot evict tenants unless they PROVE to a court that
they have a just cause, that is, that the tenant has violated
one of a short itemized list of just-cause violations. For
example, not paying the rent, causing significant damage,
disturbing other tenants’ quiet enjoyment, and being convicted
of using the apartment illegally are such violations.
Failure to pay a rent INCREASE is NOT one of these violations.
Tenants get to stay at their old rent. That makes just-cause
eviction a RENT FREEZE, which is exactly the same thing as RENT
CONTROL. As long as the tenants pay the old rent and behave
half-way decently, they cannot be evicted. The courts will be
the rent control boards (until the law is extended).
The old rent control systems thrown out of Boston, Cambridge and
Brookline by Question 9 all had just-cause eviction as part of
their systems. Rent control always has just-cause eviction.
Just-cause eviction always has a rent control feature. The two
things are inseparable.
What else
is wrong with just-cause eviction
besides being rent control?
Turning foreclosing banks into rent-control landlords is a very
bad idea. They are not set up to do property management. They
will hate the task. It will cost them huge amounts of money.
OUTCOME: They will stop lending in Massachusetts, a disaster for
sales of properties. It will aggravate the foreclosure crisis.
It will harm the state’s economy.
Keeping tenants in foreclosed properties makes the properties
less desirable to sell. New owners want vacant properties. They
want to do whatever repairs or renovations they wish. New owners
do not want to have to evict what will likely turn out to be
very difficult tenants to evict. For all these reasons, either
the value of foreclosed properties will drop significantly, or
the properties won’t sell at all. The foreclosure crisis is made
worse.
The free rent trick will flourish in foreclosed properties with
tenants living in them because the properties will be in very
bad shape. After all, the owners lacked funds even to pay their
mortgages, so their properties were neglected for a long time.
It’s perfect for the free rent trick. OUTCOME: No rent coming in
and tenants demanding repairs from banks that can’t get out of
it.
Contact
your state legislators
We need to contact our state legislators by phone, email and
letters. We must contact them in large numbers. Refer to Senate
Bill No. S.2664. State your objections in your own words. Use
the information in this article.
Contact the co-chairs of the Judiciary Committee and your own
state senator and state representative. Below is the contact
information for the Judiciary co-chairs and a link to website to
find out who your state legislators are and their contact
information.
Four phone calls or four emails (or both) from every SPOA member
is what we are asking. This is a critical vote. Your actions
count! Our state legislators are counting the number of letters
they get and their quality.
PLEASE TAKE A FEW MINUTES NOW TO CALL OR
EMAIL OR DO BOTH.
Judiciary
Co-Chairs:
Senator Robert Creedon
Co-Chair, Judiciary Committee
State House, Room 413-C
Boston, MA 02133
617-722-1200
Robert.Creedon@state.ma.us
Representative Eugene O'Flaherty
Co-Chair, Judiciary Committee
State House, Room 136
Boston, MA 02133
617-722-2470
FAX 617-722-2596
Rep.GeneOFlaherty@hou.state.ma.us
To find out who your state senator and
representative are and their contact information, enter your
street address at this website:
www.wheredoivotema.com. You are looking for “Senate in
General Court” and “Rep in General Court.”
Click here for the entire text of
S.2664, the just-cause eviction bill.
Boston
City Council's student
occupancy limit is rent control
No more than four
students per apartment
Students will
invade new neighborhoods
Action Alert! below
April 2008
The Boston City Council wants no more than four
students in an apartment. Without consulting landlords and with
only 10 minutes of debate, the Council moved quickly last
December to seal a behind-closed-doors deal with District 8
Councilor Michael Ross, voting unanimously to petition the
Boston Zoning Commission to limit the number of college-level
students that can occupy a Boston apartment to a maximum of four
students.
The public hearing on the petition was December 11, 2007, and
the unanimous Council vote was the very next day, December 12.
After a tumultuous hearing in which students and landlords
clashed with neighborhood groups from student-occupied areas of
the city, the Boston Zoning Commission dismissed the public and
in a secret meeting voted unanimously in favor of the zoning
amendment. The outcome had already been decided before the
hearing.
The new student occupancy limit could have far-reaching impacts
on the city and would give Boston’s Inspectional Services
Department (ISD) one more powerful tool to invade multi-family
properties and interfere with tenancies. Boston’s landlords can
expect a crackdown on student occupancies.
Impacts on city
The ostensible purpose of the Council’s action is to
control student impacts on local neighborhoods, including loud,
late-night parties, excessive, strewn-about trash, and high
rents. But City Councilors appear not to have considered
carefully the impact of reducing the number of students per
apartment in this college- and university-intensive city.
‘Back door’ rent control and devaluation. By limiting the
occupants per apartment, the effect will be to limit the rents
collectible from apartments now typically occupied by students.
Students can only afford so much rent for housing, so the
occupancy cap is a rent cap – or rent control, without saying
so! That limit on rents will reduce the assessed value of those
properties and reduce the property tax revenue the city
receives. To compensate for that revenue loss, the tax burden
will shift to non-student-occupied properties throughout the
city. And the parties will continue.
Displacement and high rents. By setting a maximum of four
students, the basic effect will be to spread the extra students
wider throughout the city. That will displace local families and
households and bring premium rents to more units in more areas
of the city. Coming along with the students as they spread out
will be the same problems already complained of: loud,
late-night parties, strewn-about trash, disorderly conduct and
high rents, which will displace long-term residents. The City
Council will have furthered institutional expansion of the
colleges and universities without solving the problems. Student
behavior will not change under this limit. The parties will
continue.
Housing shortage and higher rents. The occupancy
restriction will force students to occupy more housing, which
will reduce the total available housing in the city, creating a
housing shortage. Rents in general will rise, especially in
areas adjacent to student-occupied areas as displaced families
and other households also spread out. And the parties will
continue.
College and university concerns. Reducing the number of
occupants will increase the rents paid by individual students,
even as the overall rent per unit declines. Students, parents,
and the educational institutions will not be happy about that.
And the parties will continue.
Real solutions
Enforcement – real enforcement – is the primary solution. There
already are laws on the books that prohibit noise over certain
levels both day and night, litter and improperly stored trash,
and disorderly conduct. Enforcement of these laws needs to be
ramped up substantially and targeted directly at students,
including arrest of offenders. The colleges and universities all
have student codes of conduct that cover off-campus behavior,
with academic sanctions including expulsion. These need more
enforcement also.
Finally, a surety bond could be required of off-campus students.
It is a sum of money, say, $10,000, paid by all the students in
one apartment, from which the cost of city enforcement is
reimbursed after one or two warnings. With each roommate’s money
at stake, this last approach, we are told, is very effective.
Roommates are legal
The Council’s petition restricting student occupancies comes in
response to a consent decree negotiated by Greater Boston Legal
Services in the U.S. District Court of Massachusetts in 2005,
which specifically allows for roommate situations of any size in
Boston so long as the property owner is not contracting
individually with each roommate and so long as square footage
requirements of the state sanitary code are met. Those
requirements are 150 square feet for the first person and 100
square feet for each additional person.
Until this consent decree, Boston’s ISD and the Boston Licensing
Board were interpreting the state lodging house statute as
prohibiting any occupancy with four or more persons unrelated to
each other unless it is licensed and conforms to building code
requirements for lodging houses. Enforcement of this
interpretation was extremely lax and uneven.
Click here for Boston ISD Rooming House brochure
Legal problems
The Council’s petition to the Boston Zoning Commission has some
serious legal problems, including constitutional questions.
Students are being targeted as a separate group. Young
professionals just out of school may have just as many parties
as students and possibly more by some accounts.
Targeting students raises a question of equal protection of the
law. Is it fair to target them, or is a legislative body like
the City Council required to enact general laws applicable to
broad categories of people? It might be legal to restrict all
occupancies of unrelated persons, but not just students. (The
consent degree mentioned above, however, would prohibit this
option.)
Then the question is: How are students to be identified? Does a
public official have the right to approach a person and ask for
their occupation or its equivalent? Being a student is not
illegal. Such questioning might constitute unreasonable search
and seizure or, in other words, invasion of privacy.
Boston Council defeats collective
bargaining proposal in 8-to-5 vote
Fifth defeat of a tenant initiative relating to rents. Will
they ever stop trying?
Click here to read revised “voluntary collective bargaining”
proposal
Click here to read
original “compulsory collective bargaining” proposal.
Last updated
October 31, 2007
In an 8-to5-vote on August 8, the Boston City Council defeated a
landlord-tenant collective bargaining proposal that was drafted
by a Harvard professor and tenant organizers at tax- and
charity-funded City Life/Vida Urbana in Jamaica Plain, a radical
tenant organizing group. Councilors Sam Yoon and Felix Arroyo
sponsored the legislation.
This was the fifth effort over the past six years to try to
bring some form of rent control back to Boston, each one
defeated by an 8-to-5 vote of the Council. One wonders if tenant
advocates will try again. We suspect so.
During the debate leading up to the vote, SPOA emphasized that
even the allegedly “modest” collective bargaining proposal that
was produced in the end – requiring owners to meet with tenants
twice a year for up to six hours each meeting, with no further
requirements – was a major step towards full-blown compulsory
collective bargaining, which would amount to rent control in the
end.
This argument, which finally prevailed, was made to some 26,000
Boston property owners in mass mailings sent out by SPOA-ACT,
the lobbying arm of SPOA. These owners flooded City Councilors’
offices with phone calls, email messages and letters. One
councilor said the feedback from constituents was 90% against
the collective bargaining proposal.
Here below is our statement of what’s wrong with collective
bargaining.
SUMMARY of IMPACTS on property owners
In general, the bottom
line for all Boston property owners is either you will have less
control of your property, especially in setting rents, OR you
will have higher property taxes to offset the devaluation of
rent-controlled properties.
SPECIFIC IMPACTS:
Controlled owners: Below-market rents; no money for repairs;
devalued properties; hard-to-evict tenants
Non-controlled owners: Higher property taxes to offset
devaluation of controlled properties
The
city’s tax base: Will steadily shrink as the number of
controlled properties steadily expands.
ADDITIONAL IMPACTS in the special
case of CONDO OWNERS:
The rent-controlled condos will
affect owner-occupied condos as well as the condo association as
a whole. Rent-controlled condos
will be starved for cash. These units will deteriorate over
time. Their owners will be forced to resist all special
assessments for common-area improvements, leading to physical
decline of the whole building. Troublesome rent-controlled
tenants will be hard to evict, further eroding the quality of
condo life. The problems for condo managers will escalate,
pushing up their fees.
Advocates’ goal is rent control
The advocates proposing this
almost-voluntary “collective bargaining” say it’s not rent
control. But they are the same advocates who have tried and
failed to bring rent control back to Boston over and over again
in recent years. We know their goal is rent control.
This proposal goes a long way toward
their goal. It sets up a city
bureaucracy. The city itself gets involved in organizing tenants
and supervising meetings. These meetings, up to six hours long,
are compulsory for landlords, backed by the denial of building
permits and the threat of rent strikes as punishment. Just to
avoid these meetings, landlords will think twice about raising
rents.
As now drafted, this proposal puts
intense psychological pressure on landlords to keep rents low.
But let’s be very clear, this present proposal has the full
bureaucratic and punishment structure of rent control and lacks
only further landlord obligations. It can be easily turned into
the complete compulsory “collective bargaining” system
that these same advocates proposed just months ago. Moreover,
the present proposal gives advocates critical help from the city
in organizing tenants. Tenants are already free to organize
spontaneously in response to a negligent landlord. This proposal
injects new organizing power that will be used at the City
Council to turn this proposal into the compulsory system that
advocates want.
Compulsory “collective bargaining” IS rent control
Compulsory “collective bargaining” is
tenants organized into groups assisted by the city to push their
landlords into long-term contracts for below-market rents with
the ultimate threat of rent strikes and severe penalties.
Affected landlords must meet with
tenant groups and must bargain collectively “in good faith”
about every rent increase. If they must bargain, that means they
must be willing to lower their rents – the only question is by
how much. That’s rent control.
If agreement can’t be reached, a third
party finally decides the outcome of this time-consuming,
compulsory collective bargaining. Who could that be? The city of
Boston’s Rental Housing Resource Center, Boston’s former rent
control board, now returning to its original function. There’s
no way this will not be rent control!
Rent control will affect YOU –
lower rents or higher taxes
If compulsory collective bargaining
controls you directly, it will mean lower rents, no money for
repairs or improvements, hard-to-evict tenants, and your
property generally devalued. If it does not control you
directly, then it will push DOWN the property values of those it
does control and push UP your property taxes. If “collective
bargaining” does not control you now, it may well control you in
the future – because historically rent control always expands.
Lowering property values in Boston
The passage of “voluntary collective
bargaining” alone will push for lower rents and start the
process of devaluation. When voluntary collective bargaining
becomes compulsory and tenants negotiate for still lower rents,
property values will drop more and more. As the collective
bargaining process spreads to more buildings and to smaller
owners, ever larger segments of Boston’s rental housing market
will be devalued. As buildings are deprived of money needed to
fix them up, they will start falling apart and lose more value.
Whole neighborhoods will be hurt by these deteriorating
properties sitting in them.
Shifting the tax burden to non-controlled owners
When growing numbers of properties are
devalued, the tax revenue they produce falls and Boston’s
property tax base shrinks. Then the property tax burden will
shift to owners of non-controlled properties. Their property
taxes will rise to make up for the lost revenue!
There is no magical way to create
lower rents without having an impact somewhere else. In the end,
everyone pays for rent control.
Click here
to read the revised
“voluntary collective bargaining” proposal and the original
compulsory “collective
bargaining” proposal. |